Dear Editor,
Shawn Richards squandered two opportunities, the first in 2015 and the second in 2020, to become prime minister of the Federation of St. Kitts and Nevis. And on each occasion, he kowtowed to Timothy Harris.
The latter, aka the Rajapaksa of the Eastern Caribbean and leader of the People’s Labour Party, won one and two seats respectively in the 2015 and 2020 general elections. Yet, he ascended to the highest political office in the land. From a planetary perspective Harris has the unique distinction of being a prime minister twice with a minority of seats won in two general elections. And it was all because of the complete lack of testicular fortitude shown by Shawn Richards. Now this blowhard of a political leader is running to become the next prime minister of the federation. And he believes that his time is now, and he is ready.
Oh, judgment, thou hast fled to brutish beasts and Shawn Richards has lost his mind and ability to reason.
A short background is in order. In 2015 three political parties in St. Kitts and Nevis joined forces and campaigned as Team Unity in the General Elections and formed the new government. The three parties, the People’s Action Movement (PAM) led by Shawn Richards, the People’s Labour Party (PLP) led by Timothy Harris, and the Concerned Citizens Movement (CCM) led by Mark Brantley, won a combined seven out of the total 11 electoral seats. But the victory reflected a highly skewed distribution of the seats won.
PAM walked away with half (4) of the eight seats available in St. Kitts to the single seat won by PLP. Yet, Timothy Harris became prime minister given the complete abdication of leadership by Shawn Richards. And for seven years Shawn was the deputy prime minister in the two Harris administrations that he (Harris) completed dominated. Shawn was not playing second fiddle; he was completely subservient to the Rajapaksa with barely a peep or a mutter coming from him. And now this make-believe, serio-comic political leader wants to be the next prime minister. But “him nah ready yet.”
Shawn Richards held the office of deputy prime minister for seven years from 2015 to early 2022. And during this period, he has shown not even a scintilla of readiness for the job he is now seeking in the upcoming general elections scheduled to be held on Friday, 5 August 2022. On his campaign trail, he bellows his readiness to a crowd of less than 200 wherever and whenever he turns up. And his manner of speaking is fine-tuned and synced to a rhythmic gesticulation of his right hand moving up and down as if orchestrating and sending a message to the proposed builders of the Basseterre High School that he is ready to be a carpenter with a hammer in hand.
But on a more serious note, Shawn is universally viewed by many in St. Kitts and Nevis as lazy and a lady’s man with a cavalier disposition.
Being a prime minister is serious business, one that requires a combination of both hard and soft skills. An accountant by training, Shawn is a bean-counter and a “bottom line” guy. Accountants do not make effective leaders. And the best example we have of this is the accountant, Timothy Harris, who at best was a mediocre political leader and a narcissist.
Moreover, and more importantly, they are not strategic thinkers. Strategic thinking requires the ability to not only think and plan for the long term, but to thrive in the world of complexity of often conflicting data and be able to make meaningful linkages and ferret out implications and unexpected findings. The world of 2022 is complex and complicated. It requires a mind that is trained in the nuances of international politics, diplomacy and negotiation, geopolitics, international trade, and security. Strategic thinking also requires the ability to take risks and how to deal with and treat people. Sad to say, Shawn does not have this mindset or even the inclination to acquire knowledge in these areas.
Finally, a strategic leader must have a vision. He or she must be able to sell that vision and translate it into reality. This is not as easy as it sounds. The process requires a keen and sagacious intellect combined with a singleness of mind or determination to achieve worthwhile goals. For a political leader this vision translates into commitment, hard work, patience, impeccable integrity, and dedication to high and unselfish ideals.
This brings us to Shawn and Timothy Harris. The latter is a spectacular model of corruption, nepotism, and selfishness, a man who has betrayed the peoples’ trust and desecrated the office of prime minister. And then there is the mother of weaklings, Shawn Richards, campaigning to become prime minister. The very notion of having a vision is alien to Shawn. Accountants are not people of vision. And the voters of the federation must stay clear of their empty promises and reject them at the polls on election day.
Shawn’s seven years in office as a minister and deputy prime minister were characterized by empty promises and calculated neglect. Like his prime minister, Shawn also was involved in questionable projects and kickbacks. The well-drilling and road-paving and rehabilitation contracts come to mind. In the latter, he followed closely the modus operandi of his “boss” by engaging a cousin; a sure way to receive kickbacks.
Both he and his partner in crime, Timothy Harris, were bedfellows in highjacking the commanding heights of the economy and enriching themselves. Now they have become estranged bedfellows, hurling torrents of invectives at each other like market women. And both are desperate, agitated, and stressed as they read the handwriting on the wall. Doomsday awaits both when the people of the federation resoundingly reject them on election day. Shawn may after all end up working as a carpenter, his dream job.
Joel Liburd
Basseterre, St. Kitts
Dear Editor,
On July 20, 2022, I read the job posting on the Facebook page of the St. Eustatius Health Care Foundation (SEHCF) for a BIG registered General Practitioner/“Tropenarts”. In the Netherlands, healthcare professionals have a protected title under the Individual Healthcare Act (Wet op de Beroepen in de Individuele Gezondheidszorg, BIG).
After reading the SEHCF’s published job criteria, I decided to send an official letter to the Supervisory Board and Board of Directors of the SEHCF to state my concerns regarding the requirements listed.
First, the SEHCF is requesting that the professional be BIG registered. By demanding such, all other training options are automatically excluded. This practice, to me, does not embrace inclusiveness, especially in light of the local reality. St. Eustatius is not fully integrated into the Netherlands, which means deviations within the law are possible. Additionally, I have not seen any legislature that demands all medical professionals practicing on the island be BIG registered. If such a legislature exists, I would be interested in knowing on what basis this decision is founded.
Second, Statian students receive scholarships to study at accredited universities in the USA, Canada, the Caribbean and Europe. Pursuing a medical degree in one of the above countries (including other islands that are a part of the Dutch kingdom) is possible, as long as the program is accredited. Given the posted requirements a qualified (Statian or Dutch national) professional who completed their medical degree in one of the above countries would not be eligible for the medical job posting within the local hospital simply because they are not BIG registered although they are fully accredited and experienced in the country of their training.
Third, the job posting was placed solely in Dutch which indicates that one is searching for a professional from a particular place, most specifically, the Netherlands or even Belgium. This practice is somewhat ironic because English is also one of the official languages of St. Eustatius. It is known and extensively researched that the quality and efficacy of medical care is exponentially improved when the medical practitioner and client can communicate effectively and share comparable experiences. Limiting the application process to this particular subset of professionals would be a disservice to the population the SEHCF aims to serve.
Professionals with international qualifications equivalent to a Dutch diploma should also be allowed to work within the health sector on the island of St. Eustatius. I, therefore, hope that future job postings will reflect this reality.
Xiomara Balentina
Dear Editor,
I am starting to think that the Minister of VROMI did not read the report of the Ombudsman himself. Claiming that the motion of no-confidence that is hanging over his head has nothing to do with this report, is too ridiculous for words.
Our High Council of State has given a thorough analysis of what transpired during the project. It seems like this minister wants to hold on to his position and will say anything in order not to be held accountable. He came with a story about Alegria, being the reason for this motion of no-confidence. But the question is: Why now? To divert the public's attention away from himself. Is this another smoke screen? Can't he really see or understand what he is doing wrong? Just for him to know: the people are aware of these political games.
Stop this immature behaviour and accept your responsibility for the things that have gone wrong during your tenure. We have had enough!
R. Mercelina
Initial used at author’s request.
On July 14th, Pro Soualiga sent an email to the Kingdom Council of Ministers which posed two pointed questions:
1) Can or may an instruction from the Kingdom COM affect the jus cogens (dwingend/absoluut recht) right of self-determination of the islands?
2) Can or may the Temporary Act (Tijdelijke Wet) set aside the jus cogens (dwingend/absoluut recht) right of self-determination of St. Eustatius?
Before the Kingdom COM proceeds to issue an "aanwijzing" (Koninklijk besluit) to Aruba, or any other island, the inhabitants of the six islands of the former Netherlands Antilles must be assured that the Dutch State will indeed fulfil the "peremptory obligation to respect the right to self-determination" that they possess. Otherwise, the rule of law (rechtsstatelijkheid) will be at stake. Invoking our jus cogens (dwingend/absoluut recht) right to self-determination, and the peremptory (dwingend/absoluut recht) obligation resting on the Dutch State to "respect and promote the right to self-determination", we request the Kingdom COM to inform us within a week that the Temporary Act (Tijdelijke Wet) on St. Eustatius has been repealed, as well as "aanwijzingen" (Koninklijk besluiten) that are in conflict with the jus cogens (dwingend/absoluut recht) right of self-determination. All of the aforementioned would be in order to guarantee the rule of law (rechtsstatelijkheid) within the Kingdom.
Pro Soualiga Foundation
(Alex David Rosaria is a member of the US-based think tank: Global Americans’ High-level Working Group on Climate Change in the Caribbean that just published Climate Finance and the Caribbean. What follows is a summary.)
The costs of dealing with climate change are massive and daunting. The United Nations has called it “the trillion-dollar challenge.” Climate change finance is relatively well-established with public finance organizations, but it is a new and expanding area for the global private investment community. As such, it is driven by increased concerns over climate change and the need to assume greater responsibility among stakeholders to do something about it.
Increased private-sector engagement is an important development for a region like the Caribbean that contends with tough climate change issues and is burdened by high debt levels and constrained fiscal resources. The following recommendations seek to provide a framework for Caribbean countries to approach climate change financing with greater success.
Caribbean governments need to level more pressure on multilateral lending institutions, particularly the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank, to move away from basing concessional lending rates based on per capita income levels. The United States, Canada, and other non-regional stakeholders should lend their support to such an effort.
Encouragingly, U.S. Vice-President Harris’ U.S.-Caribbean Partnership to Address the Climate Crisis 2030 (PACC 2030) initiative pledges the U.S. Treasury’s advocacy to unlock additional financing from multilateral lending institutions for infrastructure projects in underserved Caribbean countries. The Caribbean should consider developing a plan to reach out to some of the key players in executive and legislative branches around the world (i.e., the Nordic countries and Germany would be especially receptive) for additional support.
As reflected by severe floods in Guyana and Suriname in 2022, droughts in a number of island-states, and rising sea levels throughout the region, climate change makes a natural area where U.S. and Caribbean interests converge and where action is needed, especially in the area of financing. The Caribbean needs a plan to foster robust institutional ties between regional civil society organizations dedicated to the environment and climate and international organizations. Caribbean countries need to upgrade human capital to better play the climate change finance game.
Caribbean governments facing the need for climate change financing must consider that human capital is needed to steer through what is often a complicated process. Without experts with the necessary skills, Caribbean countries will not be able to conduct reforms to improve the quality and coverage of current assets as well as manage future upgrades.
The ability to tap the newly emerging financial system that is more geared to green finance will slip out of reach in what is a competitive game. In this regard, Caribbean countries should reach out to the G7, G20, and other interested parties, including civil society organizations, for assistance.
Caribbean governments need to sharpen their knowledge of funding sources. There are many institutions dedicated to helping finance climate change projects. Once identified, governments in their application process face eligibility standards. At the same time, some governments may lack the capacity to prepare proposals or fully understand the investment process including investment banks, institutional investors, and rating agencies.
Caribbean governments need to develop a deeper understanding and awareness of ESG [environmental, social, and corporate governance – Ed.] and how it plays into investor perceptions of the region. Paying attention to the Caribbean’s natural resources is usually left to the tourist sector; a broad audience of investors from North America, Europe, Asia, and the Middle East are interested in helping preserve the Caribbean.
Caribbean countries need to find a way to gain better lending terms from multilateral institutions, to overcome the high-middle income and middle income “hurdle” in terms of public lending. Specifically, they must advocate for special consideration to account for the gap between GDP [gross domestic product] indicators and vulnerability to external shocks.
For those Caribbean countries that have not done so, the creation of an environmental security investment plan is well worth pursuing.
Alex Rosaria
