

Dear Editor,
The writing has been on the wall for several months that the 2024 Atlantic Hurricane Season will be a very busy season. Several forecasters have warned that this is coming and have outlined the number of weather systems that could form during the six-month season that starts on June 1st.
What is leading to a hyperactive hurricane season? Forecasters point to the development of a La Nina during the summer months (June-July). What are El Nino and La Nina? These are climate patterns in the Pacific Ocean that can affect weather worldwide. Both can have global impacts on weather, wildfires, eco-systems, and economies.
These weather patterns have a timeline lasting nine to 12 months, but at times can last for years, and they occur every two to seven years on average, according to the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) National Ocean Service. The El Nino, however, occurs more frequently.
A La Nina weather pattern can lead to a more severe hurricane season and forecasters are saying that this is what we are looking at come June.
Various forecasters, The Weather Company, Tropical Storm Risk (TSR), North Carolina State University, AccuWeather, University of Arizona, Meteo-France, and Colorado State University, have forecasted a busier-than-average year. An average hurricane season produces 14 named storms, seven hurricanes and three major Category 3-5 systems.
The Weather Company forecast so far is the highest, with 24 named storms, 11 hurricanes and six major hurricanes.
TSR says that North Atlantic/Caribbean Sea waters are to be warmer than normal by August/September and for moderate La Nina conditions to develop.
Knowing this, and as the season gets closer, the overall message is, are you prepared?
Roddy Heyliger
By Alex Rosaria
Today is World Press Freedom Day. This day aims to bring attention to the right of the public to access information without censorship and threats.
The role of press freedom and independence in sustaining democracy and safeguarding human rights cannot be overstated. As we celebrate World Press Freedom Day on May 3rd, it’s crucial to recognize the indispensable role that free press plays.
Press freedom is not a privilege, but a fundamental human right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Moreover, freedom of press is a cornerstone of democracy, facilitating informed debate and decision-making. The free and independent press should serve as the voice of the voiceless and an advocate for justice and equality.
However, press freedom is under threat in many parts of the world. In Curaçao the press is free and there’s a wide selection of media outlets. But as noted in Transparency’s International National Integrity System Assessment: Curaçao 2013, news here is rarely fact-checked which seriously “undermines the accountability and independence of the media and, in particular, their role as a watchdog.”
Additionally, the report concludes that many actors in the media don’t possess sufficient working knowledge of basic democratic principles and/or established principles and norms of journalistic practice. Some outlets are more interested in gore than anything.
An ex-writer for a local newspaper told me that the owner of the paper he wrote for came up to him one day with a copy of another local paper and said: “This is what we need: blood,” referring to articles and pictures the competitor had dedicated to a terrible car accident.
Some popular media outlets are known to spread unfounded and highly biased xenophobic and anti-immigrant sentiments. A recent news article suggests – without any substantiation – that “pretty” Venezuelan females that arrive at the airport in Curaçao are not tourists, but prostitutes. These generalities and accusations have sparked a debate about the role of the media in shaping public perceptions based on unfounded and unproven stories.
As we commemorate World Press Freedom Day let us reaffirm our commitment to defending and promoting press freedom and independent press. Only then can the media function as a cornerstone of democracy and human rights.
~ Alex David Rosaria (53) is a freelance consultant active in Asia and the Pacific. He is a former Member of Parliament, Minister of Economic Affairs, State Secretary of Finance and UN Implementation Officer in Africa and Central America. He is from Curaçao and has an MBA from University of Iowa (USA). ~
Dear members of the Kingdom Relations Committee,
I would like to discuss with you the policy principle "comply or explain". This, of course, in the context of legislation in the Caribbean Netherlands. The country 'the Netherlands' consists of a European part and a Caribbean part; the latter includes the three public entities Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba. This division exists since October 10, 2010, the date of the dismantling of the country Netherlands Antilles; since said date, the Kingdom of the Netherlands knows four countries: in addition to Netherlands, we distinguish Curaçao, Aruba and St. Maarten.
As said, the three remaining (smaller) islands together form Caribbean Netherlands and in addition to European Netherlands this whole is called the country Netherlands. And although the Constitution recognizes exceptions (see Article 132a, paragraph 4), the basic rule is that legislation applies universally in both Netherlands. And while I like to keep it simple, reality is somehow somewhat unruly.
Paragraph 4 of said article in the Constitution reads: with respect to the special municipalities of Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba, as follows: "For these public entities, rules may be laid down and other specific measures may be taken in view of special circumstances by which these public entities are essentially distinguished from the European part of the Netherlands". From this also flows the current policy of 'comply or explain'. Everywhere Dutch law applies unless special circumstances are present as a result of which on Bonaire, St. Eustatius or Saba a certain rule should not be interpreted or should be interpreted differently.
So far, 'comply or explain' is a fairly straightforward policy principle. A rather clear example for me concerns the regulation (bouwbesluit) that a house has a certain minimum of glass surface, as well as requirements regarding (central) heating. With a tropical climate in the Caribbean Netherlands, those requirements are not one-to-one applicable or enforceable. For the rest, I believe that what is applicable in the legal area of, for example, Vlieland also applies in Amsterdam. These two locations were chosen at random; in other words, all locations in European Netherlands are identical as far as the legal infrastructure is concerned.
What I do not understand very well now is that - even years after the 2010 decision - so many aspects are left out of the "Dutch" laws and regulations. Take the Social Minimum: a special committee has been charged with this subject to come up with an advice for the right level. One Social Minimum applies to the entire (European) Netherlands, regardless of the existing socio-economic differences in the distinctive regions of the country (e.g. Randstad, Achterhoek, Zuid-Limburg, Oost-Groningen, Wadden Islands, etc.).
And then suddenly there should be a commission for the Caribbean Netherlands with three levels (all lower than in the European Netherlands, one per public body [why this difference per island?). In the pursuit of one "country", this movement is naturally aimed at introducing second-class Dutchmen alongside first-class Dutchmen. Many developments point in that direction, too many to mention here (exhaustively). Why is the island council not composed in the same way as the city council in a European Dutch municipality? Why is there (still) no unemployment benefit? Why is there no uniform AOW benefit for both Netherlands? Does the Netherlands belong to Europe (both parts: European and Caribbean)?
I am AOW'er and I have lived and worked on St. Eustatius for eight years. I am having my AOW reduced because at that time (2014) I emigrated 'abroad' (?)... For my spouse it is even more painful: 'moved' before her AOW age applicable in the European Netherlands, but at the same time older than the AOV age applicable in the Caribbean Netherlands: AOW reduced, no AOV benefit. That there are initial differences seems explainable to me, but the "enthusiasm" to eliminate those differences - now fourteen (!) years after 2010 - is not great. I experience that as (institutional) discrimination.
To illustrate: suddenly it is called "high time" for the introduction of equal treatment legislation in the BES islands. Why only that legislation?
Another example: with some fuss, the mortgage guarantee is being introduced on Bonaire. Why only on Bonaire?
I would like to ask for your understanding and support in getting the government to eliminate the differences between the European Netherlands on the one hand and the Caribbean Netherlands on the other as soon as possible. The obligation to indicate that certain legislation is (also) applicable to the Caribbean Netherlands is such a delaying tactic: of course, legislation is applicable to both Netherlands and some legislation is only applicable to the various public entities in the Caribbean (in principle at the indication of the public entity itself!).
J.H.T. (Jan) Meijer
~ Statement by CPAN & BHRO on April 20 in Geneva ~
The Caribbean Pan-African Network (CPAN) and Bonaire Human Rights Organization (BHRO) urge the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent to address the pressing issue of colonialism in the Caribbean region. Despite the implementation efforts of the past three United Nations International Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism (1990-2020) no less than 20 colonies still exist in the Caribbean, directly impacting the descendants of African heritage.
One primary objective of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent is to pursue Reparatory Justice, a cause that aligns with our recommendation.
We propose that the Permanent Forum adopts a key initiative within a Second Decade for People of African Descent, focusing on Reparatory Justice for the Caribbean Peoples of African Descent. This initiative should prioritize and collaborate with efforts towards the decolonization of the remaining Caribbean territories.
It is imperative for both the Caribbean and the international community to prioritize this issue.
The abolition of slavery in the Caribbean, spanning from 1834 to 1886, did not equate to complete emancipation. Instead, it ushered in over a century and a half of colonial rule before independence was achieved by many Caribbean nations. Yet, today, some 20 Caribbean territories inhabited by African descendants remain colonized.
The years 2020-2030 are designated as the Fourth International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism, aiming to eliminate contemporary colonial practices that infringe upon the inalienable right to self-determination, as enshrined in the UN Charter, the Decolonization Declaration, and relevant human rights instruments. Resolution 48/7 of 2021 of the Human Rights Council highlights the negative impact of colonial legacies on human rights enjoyment.
World Wars I and II and their aftermath underscored the struggle of enslaved and colonized peoples for freedom and equality, resulting in over 80 million lives lost. This sacrifice has fostered a global consciousness that rejects the subjugation of any people or nation. Indeed, the very birth of the United Nations is rooted in the commitment to uphold international peace and security based on the principles of equal human rights and self-determination for all peoples.
The inalienable right to self-determination is enshrined in various international human rights instruments, affirming the freedom of all peoples to determine their political status and pursue their socio-economic and cultural development. These include Articles 1 and 55 of the United Nations Charter, Article 73 of the UN Charter, Resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 (UN Decolonization Declaration), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
In light of these principles and the sad reality of the persisting historical injustice of colonial rule, we urge the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent to take decisive action towards Reparatory Justice for the Caribbean Peoples of African Descent by prioritizing the decolonization of remaining Caribbean territories. This is not just a matter of historical rectification but a fundamental step towards achieving true equality and justice for all.
Caribbean Pan-African Network (CPAN)
Bonaire Human Rights Organization (BHRO)
David Comissiong – Chairman CPAN, Barbados Ambassador to CARICOM James Finies – Bonaire Human Rights Organization
Dear Editor,
Wow, it’s unbelievable that no new government has been formed as yet and the incoming prime minister remains silent. Let’s wish them the best and see how the new government will survive a full four years governing.
Also let’s hope government will help uplift musicians, artists and their sports people.
Since 10/10/10 the entire public has not seen much progress from our representatives. Only Honourable Omar Ottley from UP and Honourable Anna Richardson from NA, from the former coalition, show some performance representing the people, but Honourable Omar Ottley did perform better than Honourable Anna Richardson.
If Anna Richardson would pay the justice workers that would be good of her, but instead she stays focused on the function book and leaves justice workers unpaid. That's where she fails.
St. Maarten needs so many laws, roads and for government to take good care of the people at all times. Price controllers wake up!
Cuthbert Bannis
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